In India, it seems the only way to get heard is to go hungry. But would-be fasters better get in line: anyone with an ax to grind or a cause to promote appears ready to starve to get their way.
It started this spring with social activist Anna Hazare's fast, which swept hundreds of thousands of Indians into his anti-corruption crusade. He moved the government to heed to his demands for a Lokpal, or ombudsman.
Next was Narendra Modi, the controversial chief minister of Gujarat, who concluded a three-day fast on Monday, won praise from leaders of his party and burnished his status as a potential prime ministerial candidate.
And on Wednesday, dozens of villagers protesting against a nuclear power plant in Tamil Nadu called off their 11-day hunger strike after Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa promised to move a Cabinet resolution today against the project and lobby Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on the issue.
Whether their political fasts will reap rich dividends - in the form of a robust Jan Lokpal bill that curbs corruption or the cancellation of the nuclear plant project - is yet to be seen. But their immediate tactical success is unmistakable.
In a season of fasts, there is little surprise, then, that they're jostling for headlines. Tamil Nadu's anti-nuke fasters were clearly frustrated that Mr. Modi's fast for social harmony (he is accused of not doing enough to prevent mass killings of Muslims during the 2002 riots in his state) was stealing their spotlight:
"Narendra Modi's fast is more important than people's fast for life and livelihood?" the protesters said in an indignant press release. It went on to say "Narendra Modi's fast is getting major response and the continuing indefinite fast of 100-odd people for seven days in Idinthakarai in Tirunelveli district of Tamil Nadu for life and livelihood which is supported by a gathering of more than 15,000 is being ignored."
It didn't help that Jayalalithaa dispatched two emissaries to meet Mr. Modi on the first day of his fast, while it took her nine days to send an official to meet the people fasting closer to home. But then she made good with the protesters, shot off a letter to Mr. Singh and assured them of passing a Cabinet resolution on the matter.
Not all fasts end in victory and sips of coconut water. No case sticks out more starkly in this regard than Irom Sharmila, who continues to be force fed. She's been on an 11-year hunger strike to get India to remove laws that shield security forces from prosecution in the northeast.
Other fasts have resulted in death. Potti Sriramulu died in 1952 after a two-month fast for the creation of the state of Andhra Pradesh.
Fortunately, in Tamil Nadu, that hasn't happened. Villagers held steady for 11 days to protest the nuclear plant as they fear a Fukushima-type catastrophe caused by an earthquake or tsunami. They are now being reassured by proponents of the nuclear plant who say it is safe, and crucial to feed energy-hungry India.
The nuclear reactor is just the first of two being built with Russian design and technology. Whether that would mean more hunger strikes lined up in the future remains to be seen.
It started this spring with social activist Anna Hazare's fast, which swept hundreds of thousands of Indians into his anti-corruption crusade. He moved the government to heed to his demands for a Lokpal, or ombudsman.
Next was Narendra Modi, the controversial chief minister of Gujarat, who concluded a three-day fast on Monday, won praise from leaders of his party and burnished his status as a potential prime ministerial candidate.
And on Wednesday, dozens of villagers protesting against a nuclear power plant in Tamil Nadu called off their 11-day hunger strike after Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa promised to move a Cabinet resolution today against the project and lobby Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on the issue.
Whether their political fasts will reap rich dividends - in the form of a robust Jan Lokpal bill that curbs corruption or the cancellation of the nuclear plant project - is yet to be seen. But their immediate tactical success is unmistakable.
In a season of fasts, there is little surprise, then, that they're jostling for headlines. Tamil Nadu's anti-nuke fasters were clearly frustrated that Mr. Modi's fast for social harmony (he is accused of not doing enough to prevent mass killings of Muslims during the 2002 riots in his state) was stealing their spotlight:
"Narendra Modi's fast is more important than people's fast for life and livelihood?" the protesters said in an indignant press release. It went on to say "Narendra Modi's fast is getting major response and the continuing indefinite fast of 100-odd people for seven days in Idinthakarai in Tirunelveli district of Tamil Nadu for life and livelihood which is supported by a gathering of more than 15,000 is being ignored."
It didn't help that Jayalalithaa dispatched two emissaries to meet Mr. Modi on the first day of his fast, while it took her nine days to send an official to meet the people fasting closer to home. But then she made good with the protesters, shot off a letter to Mr. Singh and assured them of passing a Cabinet resolution on the matter.
Not all fasts end in victory and sips of coconut water. No case sticks out more starkly in this regard than Irom Sharmila, who continues to be force fed. She's been on an 11-year hunger strike to get India to remove laws that shield security forces from prosecution in the northeast.
Other fasts have resulted in death. Potti Sriramulu died in 1952 after a two-month fast for the creation of the state of Andhra Pradesh.
Fortunately, in Tamil Nadu, that hasn't happened. Villagers held steady for 11 days to protest the nuclear plant as they fear a Fukushima-type catastrophe caused by an earthquake or tsunami. They are now being reassured by proponents of the nuclear plant who say it is safe, and crucial to feed energy-hungry India.
The nuclear reactor is just the first of two being built with Russian design and technology. Whether that would mean more hunger strikes lined up in the future remains to be seen.
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